Richard A. Schwartz
Department of English
Florida International
University
Miami, FL 33199
schwartz@fiu.edu
How the Film and Television Blacklists
Worked[1]
by Richard A. Schwartz
Department of English
Florida International University
Miami, FL 33199
published in a slightly different form in
Film & History Annual For 1999 (CD ROM).
During the Cold War Red Scare the
entertainment industry practiced widespread blacklisting of alleged
Communists, former communists and communist sympathizers, though formal and
official blacklists did not exist. Screen writers and film actors and
directors were especially affected, but so too were workers in the fields of
television and radio. Because live theater was not as vulnerable to boycotts
and picketing as movies and television shows, blacklisting rarely occurred in
that medium. The Actors' Equity Association and the Theater League of New
York formulated an anti-blacklisting agreement and scrupulously abided by it.
In most cases, often for legal
reasons and fear of reprisals from unions, industry officials denied the
existence of a formal blacklist. Instead, the entertainment industries relied
on lists compiled by such private citizen groups as the American Legion, which
published Firing Line and whose Syracuse Post #41 published the
newsletter Spotlight; The Wage Earners Committee, Aware Inc., and the
American Business Consultants, a firm formed by three former FBI agents who
published the magazine Counterattack and the 1950 booklet Red
Channels. Private individuals who influenced industry blacklisting
decisions included Rabbi Benjamin Schultz, who directed the American Jewish
League Against Communism; Laurence A. Johnson, a Syracuse businessman, and
Vincent Hartnett, who wrote the introduction to Red Channels, assembled
and distributed File 13, a more comprehensive sequel to Red Channels,
and formed Aware, Inc. which published a series of bulletins that were
distributed to industry executives.[1]
These private individuals and citizen
groups, in turn, relied on various public documents that identified
individuals and alleged Communist and Communist-front organizations. The most
frequently cited government sources used for documenting Communist affiliation
were Attorney General Tom Clark's letters to the Loyalty Review Board,
released in 1947 and 1948, which identified subversive and Communist front
organizations; reports from the 1938 Massachusetts House Committee on
Un-American Activities; the 1947 and 1948 reports from the California
Committee on Un-American Activities chaired by Senator Jack Tenney; and, of
course, the U.S. House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), an on-going
Congressional committee that conducted hearings concerning the Hollywood film
industry in 1947 and 1951-54, as well as additional hearings concerning the
entertainment industry throughout the 1950s.
HUAC's Appendix 9 was another
significant government source for documenting evidence of Communist
affiliation. In 1944 J.B. Matthews and Benjamin Mandel prepared Appendix 9
for the Costello subcommittee of HUAC. It was a seven-volume compilation of
some two thousand pages listing names of thousands of people who participated
in alleged Communist-front organizations between 1930 and 1944. When the full
committee learned of the report it ordered Appendix 9 restricted and all
existing copies destroyed. Consequently, no copies resided during the Red
Scare in the Library of Congress or other public repositories. However, prior
to the committee's order, several of the seven thousand printed copies had
been distributed to private people or organizations, including the editors of
Red Channels and such government agencies as the FBI, the State
Department and Army and Navy Intelligence. Thus, in most instances people
cited for inclusion in Appendix 9 did not have access to it in order even to
verify that they were, in fact, listed in the document or to review the source
behind the accusation.[2]
Each new round of Congressional
hearings produced additional names of potential blacklistees. As a
consequence of the 1947 HUAC hearings the so-called Hollywood Ten, who refused
on Constitutional grounds to testify about their political activities and
affiliations, were denied employment throughout the industry, as were several
of the other unfriendly witnesses whom the committee subpoenaed but never
called. Also blacklisted were signers of a Committee for the First Amendment
advertisement on behalf of the Hollywood Ten, 208 actors who had bought an ad
supporting the unfriendly witnesses and attacking HUAC, and signers of an
amicus curae brief submitted to the Supreme Court requesting that it
review the case of the Hollywood Ten.
In November 1947, fifty members of
the Motion Picture Association of America, the Association of Motion Picture
Producers, and the Society of Independent Motion Picture Producers gathered at
the Waldorf-Astoria hotel in New York and issued what became known as the
Waldorf Statement, deploring the Ten for performing "a disservice to their
employers" and impairing "their usefulness to the industry." The statement
declared, "We will forthwith discharge or suspend without compensation those
[of the Ten] in our employ and we will not re-employ any of the ten until such
time as he is acquitted or has purged himself of contempt and declared under
oath that he is not a Communist." The statement also asserts, "We will not
knowingly employ a Communist or a member of any party or group which advocates
the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force or by any
illegal or unconstitutional methods....To this end we will invite the
Hollywood talent guilds to work with us to eliminate any subversives; to
protect the innocent; and to safeguard free speech and a free screen wherever
threatened." Finally, the statement maintained that "Nothing subversive or
un-American has appeared on the screen," deplored the absence of a national
policy, and called upon Congress to enact legislation "to assist American
industry to rid itself of subversive, disloyal elements."[3]
In 1951, after the U.S. Supreme Court
upheld the convictions of contempt of Congress against the Ten, who had argued
unsuccessfully that their First Amendment protections prohibited Congress from
asking about their political activities, a new round of Hollywood hearings
began and an American Legion list was published. J.B. Matthews, compiler of
Appendix 9, wrote "Did the Movies Really Clean House," for American Legion
Magazine. The article named 66 movie personalities whom Matthews
identified as having Communist sympathies. (Seventeen were listed solely
because they had signed the amicus curiae brief and several others
appeared solely because they had signed an advertisement in Variety
criticizing HUAC.[4]
One result of the article was a meeting between the American Legion and the
studio heads, who feared widespread boycotting and demonstrations against
movies featuring alleged Communists listed in Legion publications. The
studios relied on bank financing of films, and banks were reluctant or
outright unwilling to finance films that were certain to be boycotted.
Consequently, the studio heads felt pressured to accept the Legion's list of
industry personnel cited for Communist affiliations.
With the understanding that access
would be limited to top studio executives and the named individuals, the
Legion presented the studios with a list of some 300 people, with the proviso
that "you check for any factual errors and make such reports to us as you deem
proper." According to the Legion the list was almost immediately abused. It
quickly became a de facto blacklist.[4]
Those listed were given an opportunity to write a letter explaining the
charges against them. If they refused to write a letter, they were fired.
The letters from those who cooperated were submitted to the American Legion,
which passed judgment on their acceptability. Problematic cases were sent to
George Sokolsky, a Hearst newspaper journalist based in New York who possessed
sterling anti-Communist credentials and an apparently sincere desire to assist
those who truly repented their earlier political errors. Sokolsky either
rendered a decision or consulted union leader Roy Brewer and/or actor Ward
Bond in Hollywood. Brewer was the first and Bond the second president of the
Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals, an
anti-Communist organization. Of those who wrote letters, only 30 failed to
produce satisfactory explanations. However, individuals who were not
currently under contract were never asked to write a letter and were thus not
informed of their presence on the American Legion's list or given an
opportunity to clear themselves, if they chose to.
Other de facto blacklists
include HUAC's 1952 and 1953 annual reports, which released 212 names of
individuals in the movie industry named by cooperative "friendly" witnesses as
having been Communists. Evidence suggests that in having witnesses name the
names of associates in Communist-supported activities, HUAC was intentionally
trying to create a blacklist by introducing the names into the public record.[5]
Whether or not this was the case, the HUAC listings functioned like a
blacklist, as all 212 lost their livelihood in Hollywood by having their
contracts either canceled, bought up, or not renewed. Once without a
contract, they were unable to get new work in the Hollywood studios under
their own names for several years.
Red Channels
was the predominant list used by the television and radio industry. Published
in 1950 as a special report by Counterattack magazine, the booklet,
which was enthusiastically welcomed by Ed Sullivan, among others, listed 151
men and women who the editors claimed were linked with a variety of past or
present Communist causes. The editors cited the links in each instance and
documented them with citations from the Attorney General's list, HUAC, the
California Un-American Activities Committee, American Legion reports, and
other government and private sources. Because Red Channels began with
a disclaimer stating that the listed activities or associations may have been
free of subversive intentions and because Red Channels purported only
to report factual information from the public domain, the publication avoided
legal liability for damages suffered by people whom it listed. As Merle
Miller documents in The Judges and the Judged, Red Channels
consistently failed to include anti-Communist activities in which the people
it had listed also participated, and it made little effort to authenticate the
accuracy of the sources it invoked. Among other sources, Red Channels
relied freely on HUAC's restricted and unreliable Appendix 9.
Once listed in Red Channels an
individual became "controversial" and therefore undesirable for employment.
Even after blacklisted individuals were cleared, industry officials were often
leery of hiring them because their reputations remained sullied or because
their careers had lost momentum while they were removed from the public eye,
and they no longer held popular appeal. Ireene Wicker, star of The Singing
Lady, a children’s television show that ran on ABC from November 1948 to
August 1950, is a prime example. Red Channels erroneously listed her
as having signed a petition on behalf of a Communist candidate because the
Communist Party newspaper, The Daily Worker, had reported her name
among the signatures. Only after her lawyer obtained a court order to
identify all 30,000 names on the petition did the editors of Counterattack
admit that a mistake had been made, although they blamed The Daily
Worker. Nonetheless, despite newspaper, radio, and television reports of
her clearance, Wicker's show was not picked up again. Her agent claimed that
the response he repeatedly received was, "What about Red Channels? We
wouldn't touch her with a ten foot pole."[6]
Other prominent names listed in Red Channels include Larry Adler,
Leonard Bernstein, Aaron Copland, Howard Duff, Jose Ferrer, John Garfield,
Will Geer, Morton Gould, Dashiell Hammett, Lillian Hellman, Judy Holliday,
Lena Horne, Langston Hughes, Burl Ives, Gypsy Rose Lee, Philip Loeb, Burgess
Meredith, Arthur Miller, Henry Morgan, Zero Mostel, Jean Muir, Dorothy Parker,
Edward G. Robinson, Anne Revere, Hazel Scott, Pete Seeger, Artie Shaw, William
Shirer, Howard K. Smith, William Sweets, Louis Untermeyer and Orson Welles.
One technique anti-Communist groups
used effectively to ensure that the radio and television industries would
comply with the blacklists was to threaten boycotts of the sponsoring
companies' products when a show featured someone who appeared on one of the
lists. Rabbi Schultz used this technique with considerable success. Laurence
Johnson, who owned a chain of grocery stores, also employed another effective
strategy. He would send letters informing the sponsor of the performer's
alleged Communist affiliations and then suggest placing a questionnaire next
to the company's products in the grocery store. The proposed questionnaire
would ask if consumers wanted any part of their purchase price to be used to
hire "Communist Front talent." The consumer would then mark "Yes" or "No."
Fearful of this kind of adverse publicity, the sponsors would then pressure
the broadcast company to fire the performer.[7]
People who appeared on a blacklist
could become eligible for employment if they were "cleared." Clearance
usually involved either providing indisputable evidence that the basis for the
blacklisting was incorrect (as in a case of mistaken identity when two people
shared the same name) or that the listed individuals repudiated their earlier
activities, publicly repented their mistakes, and made some public show of
their support of the anti-Communist effort. Those who were called to testify
before HUAC were also expected to "name names"--to identify others in the
industry who had belonged to Communist-front organizations or participated in
Communist-supported activities. Often the clearance process involved the
intervention of well-known, anti-Communist intermediaries, such as Hartnett,
Sokolsky, Brewer, Bond, Jack Wren, the security officer at the Batten, Barton,
Durstine and Osborn advertising agency, or Daniel T. O'Shea and Alfred Berry,
the security officers at CBS. These men claimed they were performing a
beneficial service, did so without remuneration, and typically made themselves
easily available to listed individuals. Such "clearance men" were known for
their strong anti-Communist sentiments, and certification from the clearance
men could make listed individuals acceptable to the organizations that had
cited them, and thereby render them eligible for re-employment.
The clearance men met with listed
people to learn their side of the story and, where possible, work out a
mutually acceptable ritual of atonement. Among those rehabilitated in this
way were Edward Dmytryk, one of the Hollywood Ten who, after reversing his
1947 position, atoned by naming 26 names to HUAC in 1951 and convinced Brewer
that "the people who had broken with the Party had to be helped, both because
it was the right thing to do and because it hurt the Communist Party."[7]
Brewer concurred and signaled Dmytryk's rehabilitation by arranging a
favorable article, "What Makes a Hollywood Communist," in The Saturday
Evening Post (May 17, 1951). The director returned to work shortly
thereafter. Brewer likewise arranged for John Garfield to publish an article
entitled, "I Was a Sucker for a Left Hook," as part of a rehabilitation
process that was cut short by the actor's death. (Garfield's friends
maintained that his fatal heart attack resulted from the stress caused by his
blacklisting and his efforts to clear himself.) Brewer also arranged for the
clearances of Gene Kelly, Jose Ferrer, and John Huston.
Brewer, Sokolsky, and most of the
other prominent clearance men pointed out that they, themselves, had never
blacklisted anyone, and they regarded their activity as a humanitarian service
that gave employment to people who otherwise would not be permitted to work.
On the other hand, anyone who failed to meet their personal standards of
political correctness was doomed to unemployment. For instance, Brewer turned
down one scriptwriter cited by the American Legion. Although the writer had
written the requisite letter answering the charges against him, described his
anti-Communist activities, and publicly stated anti-Communist sentiments,
Brewer claimed that his letter was not sufficiently penitent or humble. Even
after the writer filed a 64-page document with the FBI listing his political
activities, Brewer failed to clear him, and he remained out of the film
industry from 1951 to 1955.[8]
The clearing process sometimes
required listed individuals to hire the organization that blacklisted them to
perform an investigation in order to certify that they were, indeed, "clean."
Thus, between selling the lists to government agencies and industries and
performing security investigations and clearing operations, some people were
able to earn a living from the blacklisting practice, although the most
prominent clearance men like Brewer, Sokolsky, and Bond performed their work
for free. On the other hand, Ken Bierly, a former editor of Counterattack,
became a public relations consultant who cleared people. He thus earned money
by causing people to be blacklisted and then again by clearing them. Among
his clients was Judy Holliday who was listed in Counterattack's Red
Channels.
Many blacklisted individuals were
willing to testify about their own activities but would not testify about
others because they did not want their friends or former associates to suffer
blacklisting. Such individuals were not usually considered acceptable for
clearance from the blacklists because, it was claimed, they were not properly
atoning their mistakes and were inhibiting the anti-Communist efforts of the
committees. In 1947, the Hollywood Ten were cited for contempt of Congress
when they refused to answer HUAC's questions about their political beliefs,
citing their First Amendment Constitutional protections. However, in spring
1950 the Supreme Court refused to hear their appeal, thereby upholding the
contempt convictions and eliminating the First Amendment as a viable recourse
for subsequent witnesses. The Ten then served terms in federal prison,
ranging from six months to one year.
Suspended pending the resolution of
the First Amendment question, the HUAC hearings resumed in 1951. In order to
avoid the fate of the Ten, some witnesses called during the 1951-52 hearings
chose to refuse to answer by "taking the Fifth Amendment." (In 1951, actor
Howard Da Silva became the first person to invoke Fifth Amendment protections
in the Hollywood hearings.) However, in 1950 the Supreme Court ruled in
Rogers v. U.S. that individuals could not invoke the Fifth Amendment if they
had already testified about themselves. Therefore, witnesses were unable to
explain their own past actions without being compelled to implicate other
people. In other words, a witness's price for using a committee hearing as a
forum for defending his or her views was either to inform on current or former
friends and associates or face a jail sentence. Otherwise witnesses had to
invoke the Fifth Amendment from the outset and thereby lose the opportunity to
make their case for themselves. "Fifth Amendment Communists," as Senator
Joseph McCarthy labeled them, were routinely denied employment within the
entertainment industry. Among those who refused to name names were playwright
and screenwriter Lillian Hellman, writer-producer Carl Foreman, director
Robert Rossen, actor Jose Ferrer, and playwright Arthur Miller who, because he
did not invoke a constitutional right, was cited for contempt of Congress,
fined five hundred dollars, and given a thirty-day suspended jail sentence in
1956.
The television blacklist came to an
end when the blacklisters began to become financially liable for the
consequences of their listings. In 1956, Texas humorist John Faulk sued
Johnson and Hartnett for libel after Aware, Inc., in a case of mistaken
identity, inaccurately publicized his alleged Communist associations. Faulk
was blacklisted and his radio and television career destroyed. In 1962, a
jury awarded Faulk $3.5 million dollars. Although the judgment was later
reduced to $550,000, the precedent of making the listing organizations
financially responsible did much to end the television and radio blacklists.[9]
The film blacklist ended in 1960 when
Kirk Douglas, the star and executive producer of Stanley Kubrick's
Spartacus, credited blacklisted writer Dalton Trumbo, of the Hollywood
Ten, as the movie’s writer, using Trumbo’s real name. Ever since his
blacklisting in 1947, Trumbo had been submitting scripts under the pseudonym
Sam Jackson. President-elect John Kennedy crossed American Legion picket
lines to view Spartacus, thereby lending the credibility of the
nation’s highest office to the effort to end blacklisting. Spartacus
went on to earn $30 million (equivalent to $243.5 million in 2005) and become
one of the top 120 greatest-earning movies in Hollywood history.[10]
Also in 1960, director Otto Preminger publicly announced that Trumbo had
written his blockbuster film, Exodus.
In 1970 Trumbo, who had vehemently
attacked HUAC and blacklisting in his 1949 pamphlet "Time of the Toad,"
received the Screen Writers Guild's highest honor, The Laurel Award. In his
acceptance speech he addressed those who were not yet born or who were too
young to remember the Red Scare. "To them I would say only this: that the
blacklist was a time of evil, and that no one on either side who survived it
came through untouched by evil....There was bad faith and good, honesty and
dishonesty, courage and cowardice, selflessness and opportunism, wisdom and
stupidity, good and bad on both sides; and almost every individual
involved...combined some or all of these antithetical qualities in his own
person, in his own acts....in the final tally we were all victims
because...each of us felt compelled to say things he did not want to
say....none of us--right, left, or center--emerged from that long nightmare
without sin."[10]
However, other members of the
Hollywood Ten vehemently disagreed with Trumbo’s characterization. Albert
Maltz asserted in an interview with Victor Navasky some two-and-a-half years
later, "There is currently a thesis which declares that everyone during the
years of the blacklist was equally a “victim.” This is factual nonsense and
represents a bewildering moral position... If an informer in the French
underground who sent a friend to the torture chambers of the Gestapo was
equally a victim, then there can be no right or wrong in life that I
understand. . . . [Trumbo] does not speak for me or many others. Let it be
noted, however, that his ethic of “equal victims” has been ecstatically
embraced by all who cooperated with the Committee on Un-American Activities."[11]
Trumbo, who placed the full blame on
HUAC itself, replied that he never claimed everyone was equally
victimized but that even those who informed had been placed in untenable
positions from which they suffered. He subsequently wrote to Maltz, “Whatever
their faults, those sixty-odd unwilling witnesses were ordinarily decent
people put to a test which you and I have declared to be immoral, illegal, and
impermissible. They failed the test and became informers. Had they not been
put to the test, they would not have informed. They were like us, victims of
an ordeal that should not be imposed on anybody, and of the Committee which
imposed it.
Notes
1. For a more comprehensive discussion of
the Red Scare, see my encyclopedia of American Cold War-related literature,
film, television, performing arts, fine arts, sports, and
popular culture, Cold War Culture (New York: Facts on File, 1998).
Other resources for and discussions of the
Congressional hearings about domestic communism and their impact on the
entertainment industry include Eric Bentley, Thirty Years of Treason:
Excerpts from Hearings Before the House Committee on Un-American Activities:
1938-1968 (New York: Viking, 1971); William F. Buckley, Jr., The
Committee and Its Critics (New York: Putnam, 1962); William F. Buckley,
Jr., McCarthy and His Enemies: The Record and Its Meaning
(Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1954); John Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vols 1 and vol 2 (1956; rpt. New York: Arno Press, 1971); Victor Navasky,
Naming Names (New York: Penguin Books, 1980); Robert Vaughn, Only
Victims (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1972); and Stephen J. Whitfield,
The Culture of the Cold War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2nd ed., 1996).
2. Merle Miller, The Judges and the
Judged (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday & Co., 1952; rpt. New York: Arno
Press, 1971) 149-161.
3. John Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vol. 1 (The Fund for the Republic, Inc., 1956), 121.
4. Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vol 1, 22. Although Though the declared purpose of the 1947 HUAC hearings
was to investigate whether Communist agents had succeeded in implanting
Communist messages and values in Hollywood films, no significant evidence
appeared to support this claim, and HUAC introduced no subsequent
legislation to address it.
Ring Lardner, Jr., one of Ten
and an acknowledged Communist Party member, elaborated on why the Party did
not attempt to insert overt messages into films. In his response to a
New York Times article claiming that party theorist and fellow Hollywood
Ten member John Henry Lawson "used to give his colleagues tips on how to get
the Party viewpoint across in his dialogue," Lardner responded in a letter
to the editor that Lawson "regarded anything of that sort as a puerile
approach to the politicization of screen writing." According to Lardner,
Lawson believed a more effective and more meaningful way to make
revolutionary films required both the interdependence of form and content
and the deeper exploration of human character, especially within groups of
people whose characters typically were not well developed in the movies. (New
York Times, August 26, 1977, p. 20)
Because of HUAC's inability to
locate Communist influence in Hollywood films in these hearings, subsequent
hearings changed their focus to the prestige, position and money that the
Communist Party acquired in Hollywood. This change in strategy came at the
suggestion of HUAC's research director Raphael Nixon. (Cogley, Report on
Blacklisting, vol. 1, 93-95. See also Dorothy B. Jones, Communism in
the Movies: A Study of Film Content in Cogley, pp. 196-304. Jones
served as chief of the film reviewing and analysis section of the Office of
War Information during World War II.)
6. Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vol. 1, 125-126.
7. Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vol. 1, 97-100. See especially discussion of the testimony of Larry Parks.
8. John Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vol 2 (The Fund for the Republic, Inc. 1956; rpt. New York: Arno Press,
1971), 34. In 1954, ABC offered Wicker a Sunday morning slot for a new
children’s show, but it lasted only one year.
9.
Cogley, Report on
Blacklisting, vol. 2, 109-110.
10. Cogley, Report on Blacklisting,
vol 1, 83.
11. Cogley, Report on Blacklisting
vol 1., 146-149.
12. Faulk describes his ordeal in his book
Fear on Trial (1964), which Lamont Johnson made into a 1975 film
starring William Devane and George C. Scott.
14. Quoted in Victor Navasky, Naming
Names (New York: Penguin Books, 1980) 387-388.
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